The deceased US vice-president Dick Cheney, who passed away at the age of 84, was considered arguably the most influential holders of the vice-presidency in the nation's history. Whereas many VPs were limited to peripheral or ceremonial functions, Cheney exercised substantial power during the presidency of George W Bush, so much so that he was frequently referred to as the "real president".
Bush objected to such a characterisation and claimed the relationship was more nuanced. He pointed out that Cheney was deferential, always referring to him in public as President, while he called him as Dick. Bush disputed even portrayals of their relationship as a team because it suggested that they were on equal footing. Despite such protestations, Cheney viewed the easygoing president pliable on a wide array of policy decisions.
A Post-9/11 Era
Leading of a contingent of conservative hawks that featured Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been taking part in a meeting at a educational institution in Florida. While Bush traveled to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, ordering the shooting down of any unidentified planes heading toward the US Capitol.
Cheney stated the attacks changed him, leading him to become focused on revenge. In conjunction with other conservative figures, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a invasion of Afghanistan in an endeavor to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the invasion of Iraq, although there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein being involved.
Disputed Decisions
He showed no remorse about the military campaign, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis perished, or about the enhanced interrogation of detainees apprehended after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was based on faulty information circulated by Cheney, was the right course of action. "It proved to be the proper decision to do back then. I believed it then and I believe it now."
However even then, there were contrary opinions at a top tier about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the administration's own delegates to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was dismissed from the position. "I saw, as a baseline," he subsequently stated "true dereliction, inaction, and recklessness: potentially, lying, unfitness, and graft."
Broader Context
Cheney was not solely to blame for the Iraq invasion. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for comparable steps. He had composed a memorandum setting out situations in which American interests might be endangered (featuring "access to essential resources, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the United States should be prepared to act independently when cooperative measures cannot be arranged," particularly citing defense operations against Iraq.
Bush too had entered the Oval Office vaguely intent on executing what his predecessor had famously refused to do in 1991; topple Saddam. After he had been sacked by the White House, the finance chief Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his plan of diminishing America's participation in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and suggested military action against Iraq.
Bush held a personal grudge against Saddam, thinking he had been involved in a conspiracy to kill his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He also resented that one of the largest establishments in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a portrait of his father's countenance that all visitors had to walk over.
Questioning Techniques
Yet it was Cheney who was among the most outspoken supporting striking Iraq, frequently quoting intelligence reports that were whether thin or completely inaccurate. He supported what the Bush administration indirectly described as "enhanced interrogation", the use of interrogation method and harsh treatment.
Addressing a Senate report in 2014 that found that no actionable intelligence had come from the torture, Cheney disregarded the findings as "riddled with crap". He informed Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to establish protocols and establish programmes to capture the perpetrators who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it was not repeated. That is precisely what they did and they merit a lot of recognition."
Public Persona
Cheney enjoyed monikers assigned to him by detractors such as Darth Vader and The Prince of Darkness, and by the concept that he was a shadow power directing Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Am I the sinister strategist in the shadows that remains unseen emerge from his hole? That is a advantageous way to operate, in fact."
Commercial Ties
Controversy over his corporate affiliations pursued him during his tenure as second-in-command. While he had minimal expertise in commerce but strong connections in security, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's largest petroleum companies, in 1995 as chairman and top executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's election partner for the presidency. Debatably, during the military campaign, Halliburton was given US contracts worth substantial sums.
It greatly increased his wealth. His yearly compensation during his tenure at the company increased from his previous salary while military head to over four million. When he departed in 2000 he had a compensation package worth over $20m|twenty
